« October 2006 | Main | December 2006 »

November 29, 2006

Is Education a Reward for Wealth?

According to a new study, education may just be a privilage for the wealthy. On November 24, 2006, the Washington Post ran an editorial entitled, "Reforms are needed to make college accessible and affordable for all." The first paragraph reads, "Guess which high school graduate is more likely to go to college: the ill-prepared student who is financially well-off or a high-achieving student from a low-income family? According to a new study, they have pretty much the same chance -- and that is an embarrassment to the American educational system."

The article goes on to explain that although there has been a lot of rhetoric about reducing the size of the achievement gaps in the U.S., the reality is that achievement in school and levels of school attained are closely linked with income and class.

When a friend of mine told me about this article, she explained it in terms of democracy. She said that when you look around the world, it is easy to see that democracies thrive in places where there is a large and financially healthy middle class. As the middle class breaks down, democracy breaks down and other systems grow such as communism, socialism or totalitarianism. The United States has always been proud of its large, comfortable middle class. However, now, with the breakdown of our public education system, the middle class is in jeopardy. The spread between the rich and poor is growing exponentially.

Public education should be the force that perpetuates the middle class and allows people to advance based on hard work and merit. This is the foundation for the American Dream. As quality and length of education become tied more and more to wealth, however, the spread between classes will increase, and the strength of our democracy will decrease. We need to think carefully about the role of public education in our society, and quickly intervene to make sure that it is accomplishing its purpose for all students, and not just those with wealth.

November 20, 2006

A Great Idea for Thanksgiving

As we approach the Thanksgiving Holiday, we here at Our Education encourage you to take time to give thanks to someone who truly deserves it: the teacher who has had the greatest influence in your life.

If you're looking for a powerful way to thank your teacher, there are none more powerful than nominating your teacher to be a member of the USA Today's All-USA Teacher Team.

We often ask students to think about their favorite teacher, and then to imagine a public education system where every single classroom had a teacher as dedicated and as caring as their favorite teacher. How much better off would our schools and our children be if we had outstanding teachers in every class?

Getting to this kind of a day, of course, won't be easy, and it'll require policy change and resources to boot. But an easy and important place to start is to make sure that the best teachers out there today know how much their students appreciate them... and you can help do this with just a little bit of your time filling out the nomination form.

November 15, 2006

By Any Means Possible?

From Yesterday's Student Newspaper at Vanderbilt:
List serve mistake presents opportunity
If you had the opportunity to share anything you wanted with virtually the entire campus, what would you choose to say? That is the dilemma facing the many students on the commodore-card@list.vanderbilt.edu list serve. Some are choosing wisely, but most are not.

It began at 12:19 p.m. on Saturday. A sophomore girl, quite innocently, attempted to contact the Commodore Card office in search of a convenient time to come and have her malfunctioning card fixed. Unfortunately, instead of contacting said office via a link on their Web site, she inexplicably sent her inquiry out over a list serve of commodore card owners.
This set off an e-mail chain of responses that, by Sunday afternoon, already exceeded 40 messages and displayed no signs of letting up. From that one e-mail evolved an open forum in which people could promote or discuss any topic of their choice. Because someone else set off the e­mail chain, the stigma of appearing pushy or random was virtually erased. People were free to express themselves and have some fun.
However, to date, only a few students have exploited this anomaly to its full potential. One student promoted a Facebook group he had created. Another took the opportunity to provide a link to www.oured.org.which promotes higher quality education for all children. Yet another student, in the longest message sent on the list serve thus far, provided a brief history of how the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles got their powers. Activism, opportunities, lessons in pop culture – this list serve has it all.
Unfortunately, messages of this sort have been in the minority. Dozens of students have foolishly sent requests out to hundreds of other students, none of whom control the list serve, asking to be removed from it. In one particularly odd case, a male student even pleaded with everyone else to have his girlfriend removed.
Actions of this sort only add to the length and redundancy of the e-mail chain, presumably the primary reason people want to be removed They also demonstrate an embarrassing ignorance of both how list serves work and the difference between the "reply" and "reply all" buttons in e-mail servers. Worst of all, these messages requesting removal are wasted opportunities.
Opportunities to entertain, educate and connect with such a large number of students are rare. Instead of bemoaning the existence of this new chain, students should, as some already have, be taking advantage of it. At the very least, they could just delete the e-mails, instead of dragging down the whole chain with repetitive complaints that have already proven futile. Conversely, if they could just sit back and enjoy the interaction with fellow students, what a wonderful world this would be.

November 14, 2006

The Truth About Progress in NCLB

It’s one of the least understood elements of an already confusing law: the “progress” that No Child Left Behind requires states to measure in schools has nothing to do with how much improvement any given student actually makes from one year to the next.


Under No Child Left Behind as it was originally written in 2001, an eighth grader who reads at a fourth grade level on the first day of school but who reads at a seventh grade level on the last day of school would count as a negative—not a plus—on the school’s report card for whether it is meeting state standards. Conversely, a student who enters the fifth grade reading at a seventh grade level but who actually regresses a year to a sixth grade reading level by the end of school would count as a positive mark when the school is evaluated.

If this doesn’t make any sense to you, you’re not alone—the department of education recognizes the problem and is doing something about it. But if you read articles like this one that cover the story, you’re not likely to get a very clear explanation for what changes are actually taking place.

So what is the truth about the “progress” that No Child Left Behind requires states and schools to show each year?

Until last year (when Tennessee and North Carolina were approved to explore a different way of doing things) there was only one definition of “progress” that a school could meet. If the school did not meet this definition of “progress,” it was judged to be “failing”—and, over time, could face different corrective measures such as mandatory tutoring services, public school choice, and eventually even state takeover and staff reconstitution. This initial definition of progress measured whether a current year’s students in a given grade, say 4th grade, were more likely to be passing the state test in reading, math, and science than last years fourth graders. Put in the most generalized way possible, if the percentage of fourth graders at Robinson Elementary School passing the tests this year is higher than the percentage of fourth graders passing the test last year, the school is meeting NCLB’s definition of “Annual Yearly Progress”. It’s a bit more complex then that, because NCLB also requires schools to show that minority, low-income, and special education students have higher pass rates this year than the previous year, but essentially this definition of progress comes down to a comparison of one group of kids with a different group of kids (e.g., fourth grade Latino children this year with fourth grade Latino children last year).

What are some problems with this way of doing things? For starters, it conflates the notion of “progress” with what we typically think of as a school’s mission—to prepare each child to the fullest of its own ability by improving his or her reading, math, and other skills as much as possible each year. NCLB does not reward a school for improving a child’s math ability by two grade levels in a single year, unless that improvement is the difference between “passing” and “failing” the state standardized test. Simultaneously, it rewards a school that makes only marginal gains—say, a half of a grade level in a given year—if that gain is enough to keep a student passing. As such, a school that has 100% of sixth graders reading at exactly a sixth grade level is doing better under NCLB’s definition of “progress” than a school that has 95% of sixth graders reading at an tenth grade level and 5% at a fifth grade level.

But the complications and problems go even deeper than that. Because NCLB requires schools to show that there are more passing students in each subgroup from one year to another, a school could be judged as “failing” if it had one out of three black fifth grade students pass the math test this year where two of four black fifth graders passed the same test last year. Forgiving the obvious importance of measuring sub-groups so as to ensure that low-income and minority children receive the attention they need, is this really a fair way to judge our schools?

And this is where Secretary of Education Spelling’s announcement last week is so important, even though it received hardly any meaningful coverage. Her announcement was of the expansion of a pilot project for use of a new, more intuitive notion of “progress” to be measured by states through standardized tests. Under this model, which Tennessee and North Carolina began piloting earlier in’06, data would also be captured on how much improvement each student is making in a particular school from one year to the next. In other words, if Timmy was at a third grade reading level last year but gets to a fifth grade reading level this year, the school is recognized for doing an exemplary job, even if Timmy is in the sixth grade and fails his state’s reading test. Additionally, a school is deemed as not succeeding if it has a large group of high-achievers who actually do not improve much from one year to the next.

What remains to be seen is how the two definitions will meet in the middle—if at all. Because a growth model left on its own does inherently little (or worse yet, nothing) to address one of the most compelling goals of the No Child Left Behind Act in the first place: narrow the achievement gap. The whole point of the initial definition of progress was that it could force all schools to try to get all of its students—especially the minority and low-income ones, since those are the students least likely to be passing to begin with—up to the state’s standards. But as with most policies, the devil is in the details… and the details over what we mean by “progress” in NCLB can make all the difference in the world.

November 08, 2006

How Children Faired Yesterday

Amidst a sweeping wave in the house and a potential victory in the Senate for Democrats yesterday, key state education ballot measures met with a mixed fate.

While the votes on the measure below will affect budgets in schools serving millions of children, the greatest impact of election day may well be determined by how the new Congress addresses the reauthorization of No Child Left Behind (whenever that may occur), and by how the Congress handles matters of fiscal discipline and federal funding levels of Title I and NCLB.

In any case, a rundown of the key measures at hand:
In Colorado, both versions of the 65% solution were rejected, as the GOP-backed version and Democrat-backed version were apparently so similar (and thus, so confusing) that voters decided to reject both. If this was a deliberate ploy by state Democratic leaders, since their version of the measure was proposed after the original GOP version, it appears to have succeeded in stopping the momentum, at least temporarily, of the 65% solution movement.

In Idaho, a 1% sales tax increase that would have been used to create a public school improvement fund was rejected soundly. A provision to create slot machines and other gambling mechanisms at horse tracks in Ohio was also defeated which would have, in part, funded state college scholarships.

A mixed bag in California, as Proposition 1D, the $10.4 billion public school facility bond that was central to Gov. Schwarzenegger’s re-election promise passed even as Proposition 88 failed. This was of little surprise, as Proposition 88 faced a tougher road due to its nature as a new state property tax, which California voters have long distrusted. A local property tax floor of 10 mills proposed in Alabama Amendment 2 did pass with 57%, however, as the campaign effectively used translated the amendment into the rhetoric of providing a basic, decent level of education to all of the state’s children.

An Arizona cigarette tax passed that would raise ~$150 million a year for early childhood education passed, as did Nebraska Amendment 5, a $40 million endowment plan for the same purpose.

Michigan Proposal 5, which would have mandated annual state education budget increases in-line with the rate of inflation was rejected at the polls (62%-38%), as voters there expressed concerns over an over-stretched state budget. A lot of school officials will have to make tough decisions on what programs, facilities, or teachers to cut because of the defeat of this proposal, which would have raised approximately $565 million a year for public schools. Contrastingly, NV Question 1 to require that the state’s education budget be settled prior to any other line item did pass, even if (or perhaps because) its impact on children would be negligible owing to the lack of any provision about the actual level of funding the state must provide its schools.

Three Tax-Payer Bill of Rights (TABOR) proposals were rejected in Nebraska, Maine, Oregon, which most analysts agreed were probably good for public schools—as TABOR measures have been found to limit the amount of state aid to local public schools, with Colorado’s experience cited most often.

November 06, 2006

Important Votes on State Ed Initiatives

In one of the most contentious mid-term election seasons in recent memory, a number of important initiatives affecting public education are on state ballots. While they haven’t received the amount of attention as initiatives and amendments regarding stem cell research, abortion, and other hot-button issues, the fate of the education measures will impact millions of youth in virtually every state in the nation. Here is an overview of some of the key ballot measures that will be up for decision on Tuesday:


A controversial proposal known as the “65% Solution” is being considered in two different forms in Colorado. Already in place in various forms in four states (Georgia, Louisiana, Kansas through legislation and in Texas via a executive order signed by Governor Rick Perry), the plan calls for at least 65 percent of school spending to be used on what is defined as “classroom instruction.” Republicans in Colorado back a version of the proposal that defines classroom instruction very strictly, and Democrats support a looser definition in which more school expenses would qualify as part of the 65%. A non-partisan research group concluded this about the proposal’s merits, and consensus among the edu-world is that this proposal is more fluff than substance, unlikely to result in any real gains or impacts on student achievement. But the proposals do have the potential to reveal some interesting divides within the Republican party: while the 65% solution movement as a whole is a conservative one concerned with eliminating ‘wasteful’ school expenditures, true local rights proponents in the party are troubled by what would amount to a state fiat over how local school boards could decide to spend their money.

In Alabama, a constitutional amendment has been proposed that would require each of the state’s 131 school districts to meet a state-defined minimum local property tax level of 10 mills (approximately $100 in taxes per year on a $100,000 house). Currently, 30 of the state’s districts do not meet the floor, meaning that the amendment would raise taxes and school spending in a considerable number of schools. By way of comparison, Mississippi’s lowest local property tax rate is 22.45 mills, meaning that four out of five Alabama districts have lower property tax rates than the lowest district in Mississippi. While local rights proponents again cry foul at the state’s perceived intrusion into a local matter (“how much we spend on our schools should be our decision”), supporters of the amendment argue that persistently low levels of funding in so many of the state’s schools actually affect the entire state negatively. Alabama is currently ranked just 43rd in the nation in per-pupil school spending.

Another school funding measure, Michigan Proposal 5, approaches the school funding issue quite differently from Alabama. Rather than targeting local school districts and property tax rates, Proposal 5 would mandate that state K-12 and higher education spending be raised each year by an amount equal to or greater than the rate of inflation. Latest polls on the proposal show the issue to be a virtual dead heat in the minds of the voters.

In Nevada, another school spending initiative is in play. Nevada Question 1 proposes that state legislators must appropriate funds to education before any other line item, a nice gesture about making education a “first priority”, even if it is somewhat hollow. Why is it hollow? Because there is essentially no guidance for how much money must actually be budgeted for education, meaning that the state could continue to pony up minimal amounts for schools so long as it did so before setting funding levels for transportation, health care, and other line items.

A pair of controversial propositions are on the ballot in California, with both having a reasonable chance of passing. California Proposition 1D would raise $10.4 billion in bonds for public school facility upgrades, and Proposition 88 would create a new statewide parcel tax to supplement local property tax revenues that have been limited since the landmark passage of Proposition 13 in 1978.

A number of other ballot measures are up for a vote on Tuesday, including an Idaho sales tax for K-12 education, an early childhood education initiative in Nebraska (this article in support, this one against), and a Wyoming Amendment that would re-allow the state legislature to redistribute local property taxes to lower-income school districts. There are also higher education initiatives on at least six state ballots and a number of minor school funding measures as well.

November 04, 2006

Another Student-Created Resource!

A big and special thanks to Akhila Narla, a student and petition drive director in AZ, for putting together this fantastic memo that YOU can print out and give to your principal to explain what the Our Education petition drive is all about and get approval for it in your school!

November 01, 2006

When Politics Trumps Kids

One of the better-kept secrets among those in the “know” in federal education policy circles is that the No Child Left Behind Act almost certainly will not receive the attention of our elected officials when it comes up for reauthorization in 2007. Even though the law has resulted in sweeping changes over the federal role in education and state and district responsibilities for showing progress in student achievement, and even though there are untold numbers of tweaks, revisions, and outright changes that most experts see as necessary given the way the law has played out over the past five years, American children will likely have to wait until 2008 or even 2009 (one blogger has set the over-under as 2009) before the politicians their parents have elected will come together under the banner of “bi-partisanship” to ensure that the law does the best it can by youth.


If this seems odd to you, that politicians would willingly pass up on a chance to learn from their mistakes from the original 2001 version of the law and pass up on the opportunity to craft legislation that would extend quality educational opportunities to more of our children, you’re giving them too much credit. As is the usual refrain with issues affecting young people, politics is king: neither democrats nor republicans want the divisions over education policy within their parties (the GOP is split between conservative states righters and others who believe in a federal role in extending choice and opportunity; the Dems are split between liberal educators who dislike standards and testing and others who affirm a federal attempt to crack down on the achievement gap) to be revealed prior to the 2008 presidential election and so neither will bring it up. In other words, if lawmakers have more to lose by talking about the law than students have to gain, then, well, tough luck kids.

But before you go chalking this up to “politics as usual”, ask yourself this: why do children in America always get short shrift? No politician would ever dare to delay on a vote to extend funding to our armed forces in Iraq, even though there are divisions in the parties over the proper course there. Yet millions of kids live each day without health care or a quality public school to attend—while politicians twiddle their thumbs. At a time when a mangled joke gets a politician in trouble about his loyalty to the troops, why aren’t all of our politicians in trouble about their loyalty—or lack theirof—to the children?